MEXICO CITY
- Mexico has handed human rights groups a major victory in what
has
been a long - and, until now, losing - battle for "universal
jurisdiction,"
the principle that gross rights violations may be tried by courts
outside
the country where the crime took place.
Last week, the Supreme Court here upheld a ruling to extradite
a
former Argentine military official wanted in Spain for alleged
atrocities he
committed in Argentina in the 1970s and 1980s.
Ricardo Miguel Cavallo faces prosecution for murders and
abductions
that took place when he was a Navy lieutenant in Buenos Aires, and
worked in
the Navy Mechanical School, one of the most notorious centers of
repression
during Argentina's so-called Dirty War. He will be sent to Spain in the
next
week.
"This will be the first time that one country extradites a
person
to another to stand crimes for something that happened in a third,"
says
Reed Brody, a prosecutor at Human Rights Watch and an expert on
universal
jurisdiction.
Human rights activists the world over have been generally
frustrated in efforts to extradite former officials wanted for gross
violations during their rule.
Back in 1999, former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet sat in
a
London jail for 18 months as Spain fought unsuccessfully to extradite
him
for the alleged death or disappearance of 4,000 people during his
reign. He
was eventually sent back to Chile but never faced trial because of poor
health.
Idi Amin, the Ugandan leader whose reign of terror left more
than
100,000 people dead, now lives comfortably in Saudi Arabia, which has
resisted efforts to bring him to justice. And efforts to extradite two
former Haitians - military ruler Raul Cedras, who lives in Panama, and
former paramilitary leader Emmanuel "Toto" Constant, who resides in New
York
- have failed.
"With all of the legal and human rights advances of the 20th
century, immunity for mass atrocities is still the norm," says Mr.
Brody.
Critics of universal jurisdiction say it goes against the idea
of
national sovereignty and puts world leaders at the whims of foreign
courts.
But some legal experts say the principle of universal
jurisdiction
exists precisely because most governments do a poor job of
investigating
abuses by their predecessors, usually for political reasons. They say
it's
important that Mexico backed the Cavallo extradition, since it
indicates a
greater support for human rights principles than past governments in
Mexico
and across Latin America have generally shown.
Legal efforts to prosecute former Latin American officials
wanted
for war crimes have had little success. In El Salvador and Argentina,
for
example, subsequent governments simply granted amnesty to most of the
officials accused of atrocities, or handed out post-conviction pardons.
Here
in Mexico, efforts to investigate the past have bogged down.
"Our own courts are very slow, very delayed in dealing with
Mexico's history of injustice," says historian Enrique Condes Lara, who
investigates Mexico's own Dirty War era.
During the late 1970s and early 1980s, hundreds of leftists -
many
of them students - disappeared and were presumed killed. Thousands more
were
jailed and tortured.
Victims, their families, and rights groups have long demanded
accountability and justice for the perpetrators. To this day, only one
ex-president, Luis EcheverrEDa, has had to answer charges that he
played a
major role in two student massacres. He has since avoided a trial, with
his
lawyers also citing his advanced years and poor health.
Cavallo's accusers say he belonged to the operations sector of
Working Group 3.3.2, a unit involved in kidnapping and torturing
persons
perceived to be leftist by the military. More than 9,000 Argentines
vanished
during their country's military regime. Most are presumed dead.
Cavallo has admitted he was a member of Argentina's military
during
that era, but denies he engaged in torture. He was found in Mexico
almost
three years ago, where he had lived quietly, running this country's
motor-vehicle registry, until an unrelated controversy put his face in
the
news and five former political prisoners identified him as their
torturer
from 1976 to 1983.
After a lengthy appeal, the Mexican Supreme Court authorized
Cavallo's extradition on charges of genocide and terrorism, but not on
charges of torture. A lower court had previously ruled that Cavallo
could
not be extradited for torture on the grounds that, under Mexican law,
the
statute of limitations for a torture prosecution had already
expired.
"We are sorry the torture charge was left out," says Irma
Pérez-Gil
de Hoyos, a prominent rights activist in Mexico, "but it still marks a
big
step forward in the fight against the impunity and against various
types of
genocide in the world."
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